A New FCC Definition of Broadband?

Section 706 of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 requires that the FCC annually review broadband availability in the country. Further, that section of law then requires the FCC to take immediate action if they find that broadband is not being deployed fast enough. This is the law that in the past prompted the FCC to set a definition of broadband – first set at 4/1 Mbps a decade ago then updated to 25/3 Mbps in 2015. The FCC felt it couldn’t measure broadband deployment without a benchmark.

In this year’s annual proceeding the FCC has suggested a change in the definition of broadband. They are suggesting there should be a minimum benchmark of 10/1 Mbps used to define cellular broadband. That doesn’t sound like a bad idea since almost everybody uses cellular broadband at times and it would be good to know that the cellular companies have a speed target to shoot for.

But I am alarmed at how the FCC wants to use the new proposed cellular broadband standard. They are suggesting that cellular service that meets the 10/1 Mbps standard can be considered as a substitute for a landline broadband connection that meets the 25/3 Mbps test. This would represent a huge policy shift at the FCC because use of the cellular standard would allow them to claim that most Americans can get broadband. And that would eliminate them having to take any action to make broadband better in the country.

We can’t be particularly surprised by this shift in policy because now-Chairman Ajit Pai vociferously objected when the FCC increased the definition of broadband in January 2015 to 25/3 Mbps. He argued at the time that the speed definition of broadband should not be increased and that both satellite and cellular broadband ought to be considered as substitutes for landline broadband.

But as almost anybody with a broadband connection can tell you, speed is not the only parameter that matters with a broadband connection. Speed matters for folks in a busy broadband home like mine when different family members are trying to make simultaneous broadband connections. But even homes with lower broadband needs care about more than speed. The limiting factor with cellular data is the stingy amount of total downloads allowed in a month. The new ‘unlimited’ cellular plans are capped at 20 to 25 gigabytes per month. And satellite data not only has stingy data caps but also suffers from latency issues that means that a satellite customer can’t take part in any real-time activity on the web such as VoIP, distance learning or live streaming video.

There are several possible motives for this policy shift. First, this could just be an attempt by the FCC to take off the pressure of having to promote faster broadband everywhere. If their annual Section 706 examination concludes that most people in the country have broadband then they don’t have to push expensive federal programs to expand broadband coverage. But there is also the potential motive that this has been prompted by the cellular companies that want even more federal money to expand their rural cellular networks. AT&T has already been given billions in the CAF II proceeding to largely improve rural cellular towers.

Regardless of the motivation this would be a terrible policy shift. It would directly harm two huge groups of people – rural America and the many urban pockets without good broadband. This ruling would immediately mean that all urban areas would be considered to have broadband today along with a lot of rural America.

I don’t think this FCC has any concept of what it’s like living in rural America. There are already millions of households that already use cellular or satellite broadband. I’ve heard countless stories from households with schoolkids who spend upwards of $500 per month for cellular broadband – and even at that price these homes closely monitor and curtail broadband usage.

There are also huge swaths of rural America that barely have cellular voice service let alone 10/1 Mbps cellular broadband. I was recently in north-central Washington state and drove for over an hour with zero AT&T cell coverage. But even where there is cellular voice service the quality of broadband diminishes with distance from a cell tower. People living close by a tower might get okay cellular data speeds, but those even just a few miles away get greatly diminished broadband.

I know that Chairman Pai has two kids at home in Arlington Virginia. There he surely has fast broadband available from Comcast, and if he’s lucky he also has a second fast alternative from Verizon FiOS. Before the Chairman decides that cellular broadband ought to be a substitute for a landline connection I would challenge him to cut off his home broadband connection and use only cellular service for a few months. That would give him a taste of what it’s like living in rural America.

Local, State or Federal Regulation?

Last week the FCC clarified its intentions for the Broadband Deployment Advisory Committee (BDAC). This group was tasked with exploring a wide range of topics with the goal of finding ways to lower barriers for broadband deployment.

The BDAC was divided into subgroups with each examining issues such as speeding up access to poles and conduits, or how to streamline the morass of local regulations of such things as rights-of-ways that can slow down fiber deployment.

There has been a huge amount of buzz in the industry since the expectation has been that the FCC would act to impose federal rules that ‘fix’ some of the most important impediments to competition. That expectation was bolstered on several occasions by speeches made by new FCC Chairman Ajit Pai that hinted that the FCC was willing to take steps to lower barriers to broadband deployment.

But FCC Senior Counsel Nicholas Degani just clarified that the FCC’s intentions are not to create new regulations, but rather to create ‘model codes’ that they hope that cities and states around the country will use to make it easier to deploy broadband.

We’ll have to wait a while to see if the FCC really can refrain from issuing new regulations. Chairman Pai has said many times that he is in favor of ‘light touch’ regulation and the agency is in the process of relaxing or undoing many of the regulations from the past. But one thing that I have repeatedly seen from regulators over the years is that they love to regulate. It will take major restraint for the FCC to not try to ‘fix’ the many problems that the BDAC is highlighting. This will be the ultimate test to see if they really are anti-regulation.

Frankly, some of the issues that the BDAC has been exploring cry out for some sort of regulatory relief. For example, in some parts of the country it takes so long and is so expensive to get onto poles that it’s nearly impossible to implement a business plan that needs pole access. And it is extremely frustrating for a national company that deploys fiber everywhere to work with local rules that vary widely from city to city.

Part of what is pushing this effort is the fact that everybody expects a massive investment in new fiber over the next decade as fiber is built to bring bandwidth to homes and as we deploy 5G networks. Everybody recognizes that there are impediments that add delay costs to those deployments.

At the same time that the FCC has been looking at the issues there are numerous state attempts to create state regulatory rules to fix some of these problems. A number of states have already created regulations that are aimed at making it easier to do things like get access to poles. But state efforts vary widely in the motivation for new regulations. There are some states that are looking hard at imposing statewide rules that balance the needs of competitors, network owners and municipalities.

But there are other attempts prompted by the big cellular companies and ISPs to run roughshod over the rights of pole owners and municipalities. These efforts are being driven, in part, by model legislation developed by ALEC and funded by the big companies. Many of these rules are attempting to set low nationwide rates for pole attachments and also to force streamlined timelines that ignore local conditions.

Finally, there are efforts being made by many cities to make it easier to deploy broadband. Most cities understand that they need fiber everywhere to remain competitive with other cities. Yet these efforts are often ineffective because cities, by definition, have a lot of stakeholders to satisfy. When a City looks at changing local rules they end up have to give a lot of weight to issues such as the environment, aesthetics, historic preservation, safety, unions and others that make it impossible to create rules that favor fiber deployment over these other concerns.

Fixing these issues is a problem that may never find the right solution. We live in a country where cities across the board have been granted varying degrees of controlling things like rights-of-way that affect network deployments. Fiber deployment is not the first issue that has come along that has pitted federal, state and local regulators against each other when trying to solve the same problems. It’s not unlikely that if either the FCC or the states try to strongarm cities that we will see a pile of lawsuits challenging any egregious decisions. And that just leads to delays since disputed laws don’t go into effect. I hope we can find solutions that don’t lead to those lawsuits, because the worst kind of regulation is one that is in limbo in some court for years. Nobody is likely to make any significant new investment in that environment.

FCC to Investigate MDU Broadband

The FCC is launching an investigation into anticompetitive practices that are keeping broadband from coming to apartments and other multi-tenant buildings. They have issued a Notice of Inquiry in Docket in GN Docket 17-142 looking into the topic and are expected later this month to formally release it to the public. The docket specifically looks at barriers to competition in what the FCC is calling MTEs – multiple tenant environments, which includes apartments, condominiums, shopping malls and cooperatively owned buildings.

This is not the first time that the FCC has tackled the topic. Back in 2008 the commission banned some contractual arrangements that gave incumbent ISPs unfair advantage over competitors. However, that order didn’t go far enough, and ISPs basically shifted to arrangements that were not banned by the FCC. The FCC is looking into the topic because it’s become obvious that exclusive arrangements are harming the introduction of faster broadband into a sizable portion of the market. There are cities where half or more of residents live in apartments and don’t have the same competitive choices as those living in single family homes.

The FCC has an interesting legal challenge in looking at this issue. This docket specifically looks at the potential for regulating broadband access in MTEs, something that the FCC has the authority to do under Title II regulation. But assuming that the FCC moves forward this year with plans to scrap Title II regulation they might also be eliminating their authority to regulate MTEs in the manner suggested by the NOI. If they decide to act on the issue it will be interesting to see how they define their authority to regulate anything that is broadband related. That might be our first glimpse at what a regulatory regime without Title II looks like.

Further, Chairman Ajit Pai has shown a strong preference to lighten the regulations on ISPs and you have to wonder if he is willing to really tackle a new set of regulations. But he’s faced with the dilemma faced by all regulators in that sometimes the market will not automatically produce the results that are beneficial to society and sometimes regulations are the only way to get corporations and others to behave in the way that benefits everybody. It’s clear that residents in MTEs have little or no competition and choice and new regulations might be the only way to get it for them.

The NOI looks at specific issues related to MTE broadband competition:

  • It asks if the FCC should consider overriding state and local regulations that inhibit the deployment of broadband in MTEs. Some jurisdictions have franchising and other rules that make it hard for a smaller competitor to try to serve only MTEs or parts of markets.
  • It asks if the FCC should prohibit exclusive marketing and bulk billing arrangements by ISPs.
  • It asks if the FCC should prohibit revenue sharing and exclusive wiring arrangements with ISPs.
  • It asks if there are other kinds on non-contractual practices that should be prohibited or regulated.

The NOI is interesting in that it tackles all of the topics that the FCC left untouched in 2008. When that order came out I remember thinking about all of the loopholes the FCC had left available to ISPs that wanted to maintain an exclusive arrangement with apartment owners. For example, bulk billing arrangements are where a landlord buys wholesale connections from an ISP and then includes broadband or cable TV as part of the rent, at a mark-up. Landlords under such arrangements are unlikely to allow in another competitor since they are profiting from the exclusive arrangement. The FCC at the time didn’t feel ready to tackle the issues associated with regulating landlord behavior.

The NOI asks for comments on the non-contractual issues that prohibit competition. I’ve seen many such practices in the marketplace. For instance, a landlord may tell tenants that they are pro-competition and that they allow access to multiple ISPs, but then charge exorbitant fees to ISPs for gaining access to buildings or for wanting to collocate electronics or to run wiring. I can think of dozens of different roadblocks that I’ve seen that effectively keep out competitors.

I am heartened a bit by this docket in that it’s the first thing this new FCC has done to solve a problem. Most of the work they’ve done so far is to dismantle old rules to reduce regulation. There is nothing wrong with that in general and I have my own long shopping list of regulations that are out of date or unnecessary. But there are industry issues like this one where regulation is the only way to provide a needed fix to a problem. It’s clear that large ISPs and many landlords have no interest in bringing competition to their buildings. And if that is a goal that the FCC wants to foster, then they are going to have to create the necessary regulations to make it happen – even if they prefer to not regulate.

What is ‘Light Touch’ Regulation?

The new FCC Commissioner Ajit Pai has made several speeches in the last month talking about returning to ‘light-touch regulation’ of the big ISPs. He is opposed to using Title II regulation to regulate ISPs and wants to return to what we had in place before that.

His argument is that the Internet has grown and thrived under the prior way that it was regulated. And he has a point – the Internet has largely been unregulated since its inception. And in many ways the industry has even received preferential regulatory treatment such as the way that Congress has repeatedly exempted broadband services from taxes.

It’s certainly hard to argue with the fact that the Internet has thrived. It’s a little harder to draw the conclusion that light regulation was the cause for this, as the Internet has primarily grown because people love the online content they find there.

But we are now at a different point in the broadband industry than we were when it was in its infancy. Consider the following:

  • The vast majority of homes now have broadband. While the industry is still adding customers there aren’t that many more households that can get broadband that don’t have it.
  • Look back just ten years ago and there was a lot more competition for broadband. In 2007 cable modems and DSL served roughly the same number of customers with similar products in terms of speed. But today cable broadband has become a near-monopoly in most markets.
  • One of the drivers towards implementing net neutrality was the explosive growth of video. Just a few years ago there were many reports of the big ISPs slowing down Netflix and other video traffic. The ISPs were trying to force video providers to pay a premium price to gain access to their networks.
  • While broadband prices have held reasonably stable for a decade, both the cable TV and voice products of the large ISPs are under fire and it’s widely expected that the ISPs will have to start raising broadband rates every year to meet earnings expectations.
  • The ISPs have changed a lot over the last decade and all of the big ones now own content and are no longer just ISPs. This gives them competitive leverage over other competitors.
  • The Internet has become a far more dangerous place for consumers. Hacking and viruses run rampant. And the ISPs and web services like Google and Facebook routinely gather data on consumers for marketing purposes.

I would be the first to agree that hands-off regulation probably contributed to the growth of the Internet. But this is no longer the same industry and it’s hard to think that any of the big ISPs or transport providers need any further protection. These are huge companies with big profits.

It seems to me that the Chairman’s use of the term ‘light-touch regulation’ is code for basically having no regulations at all. And since that was the state of the industry just a few years ago we don’t have to stretch the imagination very far to know what that means.

Before Title II regulation the FCC had almost no power over the big ISPs. The most they could do was to encourage them to do the right thing. Interestingly, in the two or three years leading up to the Title II order it was the threat of coming regulation that kept the ISPs in line more than anything else. The FCC tried to intercede in disputes between the ISPs and video providers and found that they had no leverage on the ISPs. The FCC also didn’t like data caps but they had no power to do anything about them. However, since the ISPs feared price regulation under Title II most of them raised data cap limits to defuse the public outcry over the issue.

So my recollection of the past five years is that it was the threat of coming regulation that kept the big ISPs in line. Because at the end of the day a big ISP could challenge the FCC on broadband issues in court and win every time. So the FCC’s best way to influence the ISPs was to hold the threat of regulation over their heads.

If we go back to that same regulatory place (which is what would happen if Title II is reversed) then there will no longer be any leverage at the FCC. ISPs will be free to do almost anything they want in the broadband arena. The FCC has already let them off the hook for consumer privacy, and that is just the beginning.

You can expect without regulation that the ISPs will do all of those things that net neutrality was supposed to protect against. They all say today that will never happen, and that they believe in the core tenets of net neutrality. But I think we all know that is public relations talk and that the big ISPs will pursue anything that will make them money. That means discriminating against traffic and demanding payments from video providers to get unimpeded broadcasts. It means the ISPs favoring their own content over content of others. And it means a return of price caps and broadband price increases with no fear of FCC intervention. I have a hard time thinking that ‘light-touch’ means anything other than ‘no-touch.’

How Much Does Title II Regulation Matter?

We’ve known since January that new FCC Chairman Ajit Pai has intended to somehow roll back net neutrality. And now he’s started the process and says that he wants the Commission to undo regulation of broadband using Title II rules. I’ve been thinking about this for a while, and today I ask the question if this rollback means the end of the open Internet as a lot of press would have you believe.

It’s not an easy answer. Let me start with a quick review of the history of Title II regulation. The FCC has wanted to somehow regulate some aspects of broadband for a long time. They took a stab at this back in 2010 that established six principles that became known as net neutrality. But the courts eventually said that the FCC didn’t have the authority to enforce these rules. The court order that reversed the FCC interestingly suggested that they only path they saw to accomplish the FCC’s goals was to invoke Title II regulation.

Title II regulation derives from various acts of Congress that were developed in the last century to regulate telephone companies. When these regulations started back in the 1930s, the primary nationwide telephone provider was Ma Bell (AT&T) and the FCC used the new rules to heavily regulate the company. But those old rules don’t really fit broadband and so in the net neutrality order the FCC chose to invoke only the parts of the old rules that applied to broadband – and that is what made the big ISPs the most nervous. This feared that a future FCC could unilaterally elect to invoke other of the old title II rules, including the ability to regulate rates.

So, in a second try at net neutrality the FCC elected Title II regulation and then layered on some new concepts that are referred as bright line rules, which includes no blocking of broadband traffic, no throttling of content and no paid prioritization of traffic. These are the rules that proponents of net neutrality care about, and so the key question going forward is if the FCC can find some way to enforce the bright line rules if they get rid of Title II authority.

Frankly, it will be hard. If net neutrality is reversed we’ll be back to the regulatory regime that was in place before 2015. The FCC largely regulated broadband for a number of years by pressuring ISPs to be good citizens – but the FCC didn’t have the legal authority to make most things stick. Any time a big ISP didn’t like an FCC directive they knew they could take it to court and win due to lack of FCC authority. Everything I have read suggests that without Title II regulation that we’d back to that same place – where the FCC would have no real authority over most issues affecting broadband.

There is only one path that would codify the bright line rules, and that is if Congress would pass legislation requiring the bright line rules. The whole reason that the FCC has no clear authority over broadband is that numerous Congresses have refused to grant it to them. I can remember at least half a dozen attempts by earlier Congresses to create the needed new rules, but there has never been enough support to pass the laws and to overcome any potential vetoes by presidents.

I certainly don’t have any political crystal ball and I have no idea if this Congress or some future one might tackle this issue with legislation. A faction of the current Congress has been making noise about having a new telecom act, and this could be done as part of that effort. But that doesn’t seem likely from the current Congress. Here at the beginning of their new session they appear to favor big corporations like Comcast and AT&T over the public on these issues. It’s probably worth noting that most smaller ISPs already follow the bright line rules and it’s only a handful of the largest companies that create all of the problems.

The biggest fear of ISPs of all size is that telecom issues have become a political ping-pong ball that will bounce back and forth as we change future administrations or future Congresses. That kind of uncertainly plays havoc with creating new products and policies. I think even the largest ISPs would rather keep net neutrality regulated if the alternative was to see the rules radically changed every few years.

There are market forces that could have some impact on net neutrality. One is competition. For example, if one of the large wireless carriers adopts practices that violate net neutrality and that customers don’t like, then one or more of the other carriers will likely compete by promising products that the public wants.

And the public is likely to to have a big influence on combatting bad ISP behavior. Recall that the FCC received far more comments from the public on the net neutrality docket than anything else they had ever considered. And also remember that it was public outcry that stopped companies like Comcast from imposing draconian data caps. There is not a ton of competition in many broadband markets – but there usually is some. As new wireless products eventually come onto the market there will be even more competition. In this new day of social media we’ve started to see that the public can be stirred up to react in strong ways against big companies that have practices they don’t like. So perhaps an engaged customer base and growing competition will work over time to somewhat keep the big ISPs in line. As an ISP customer I’d much rather have firm regulations in place that prohibit bad ISP behavior – but I guess we’ll have to take whatever we can get.

The FCC’s Plan for Net Neutrality

This is already stacking up to be the most disruptive year for telco regulations that I can remember in my career. While 1996 and the Telecom Act brought a lot of changes, it looks like it’s possible that many of the regulations that have been the core of our industry for a long time might be overturned, re-examined or scrapped. That’s not necessarily a bad thing – for example, I think a lot of the blame for the condition of the cable TV market for small providers can be blamed on the FCC sticking with programming rules that are clearly obsolete. 

We now know for sure that one of our newest regulations, net neutrality, is going to largely be done away with at the FCC. FCC Chairman Ajit Pai has now told us about his plans for undoing net neutrality. His plan has several components. First, he proposes to undo Title II regulation of ISPs. Without that form of regulation, net neutrality naturally dies. It took nearly a decade for the FCC to find a path for net neutrality, and Title II was the only solution that the courts would support to give the FCC any authority over broadband.

However, Pai says that he still supports the general concepts of net neutrality such as no blocking of content and no paid priority for Internet traffic. Pai proposes that those concepts be maintained by having the ISPs put them into the ISP’s terms of service. Pai also doesn’t think the FCC should be the one enforcing net neutrality and wants to pass this responsibility to the Federal Trade Commission.

It’s hard to know where to start with that suggested solution. Consider the following:

·         I’m concerned as a customer of one of the big cable companies that removing Title II regulation is going to mean ever-increasing broadband rates, in the same way we’ve seen with cable rates. While the FCC said they didn’t plan to directly regulate data rates, they’ve already put pressure on the big ISPs over the last few years to ease up on data caps. Since the big ISPs have tremendous pressure from Wall Street to always make more, they have little option other than increasing data rates as a way to increase the bottom line.

·         Unless some federal agency proscribes specific and unalterable net neutrality language, every ISP is going to come up with a different way to describe this in their terms of service. This means that the topic can never really be regulated. For example, if somebody was to sue an ISP over net neutrality, any court ruling would be specific to only that ISP since everybody else will be using different language. Regulation requires some level of consistency and if every ISP tackles this in a different way then we have a free for all.

·         Probably the most contentious issue that brought about net neutrality was the big fights between ISPs and companies like Netflix over the interconnection of networks. I recall the FCC saying during some of those cases that they were one of the most challenging technical issues they had ever tackled. It’s hard to think that the FTC is going to have the ability to intercede in disputes of this complexity.

·         The proposed solution presupposes that the FTC will have the budget and the staff to take on something as complex as net neutrality. From what I can see it’s more likely that most federal agencies are going to have to deal with smaller budgets in coming years. And we know from long experience that regulations that are not enforced might as well not exist.

Interestingly, the big ISPs all say that they are not against the general principles of no paid priority and no blocking of content. Of course, they have a different interpretation of what both of those things mean. For example, now that a lot of the big ISPs are also content providers they think they should be able to offer their own content on a zero-rating basis. But overall I believe that they were okay with the net neutrality rules. They don’t like the Title II regulation because they fear rate regulation, but I think they mostly see that an open Internet benefits everybody, including them.

The one thing that big ISPs have always said is that the thing they want most from regulation is consistency and predictability. All of the changes that the FCC are making now are largely due to a change in administration – and in the long run the ISPs know this is not to their benefit. Of course, they have always complained about whatever rules are in place, and frankly that’s part of the industry game that has been around forever. But the last the thing the big ISPs want is for the rules to swing wildly back the other way in a future administration. That creates uncertainty. It’s hard to design products or to devise a 5-year business plan if you don’t know the rules that govern the industry.

The Latest on Federal Broadband Infrastructure

There is a lot of talk in DC of working towards a federal infrastructure funding plan this year. So today I’m going discuss some of the latest news about infrastructure, particularly as it affects broadband funding.

Shovel Ready Projects. A few weeks ago the White House said that they only favored funding ‘shovel-ready’ projects. meaning those projects that have already had enough engineering and financial work done to understand the costs and benefits. The President said that he didn’t want to fund projects that would then take ten years to get started, something that is not that unusual for highway projects.

Size of the Funding. US Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao last week said that the administration’s infrastructure plan would be for $1 trillion spread over ten years. That’s the first time we’ve heard any specific numbers and time frame. There is no telling at this point whether the funding would be spread evenly over the years. Secretary Chao said the details of the plan would be released later this year.

Including Broadband? Secretary Chao said that that “the proposal will cover more than transportation infrastructure, it will include energy, water and potentially broadband and veterans hospitals as well.” This certainly tells us that broadband funding is not a sure thing at this point.

Probably Not Outright Grants. Secretary Chao also reiterated what the administration had said earlier that any funding was going to favor public-private partnerships and was not likely to directly fund projects. This has always been expected, but this doesn’t tell us anything about the nature of the support. There was talk during the transition of the infrastructure plan to heavily favor using tax credits, meaning that it would favor and induce large companies to invest in infrastructure.

I suspect the idea of public private partnerships for roads tells us to expect a lot of new tolls roads. Advisers to Trump have said they would rely on federal tax credits and public-private partnerships rather than federal spending to pay for a new infrastructure program. The concept of public-private partnership is a bit puzzling when it comes to broadband in that there are many states where local governments can’t participate in broadband or are severely restricted from doing so.

FCC’s Position. FCC Chairman Ajit Pai said recently that any broadband funding ought to be handled through the Universal Service Fund mechanisms since it already has the processes in place to handle such funding. The Chairman came out heavily in favor of significant broadband funding for rural areas as well as funding what he calls Gigabit Opportunity Zones that would provide tax incentives for serving low income areas.

Bipartisan Support for Broadband. In early February 48 US Senators from both parties sent a letter to the President supporting the idea that any infrastructure plans should include funding for broadband. My guess is that this is due to the complaints that all politicians are hearing these days from those without adequate broadband.

Democratic Alternative. And of course, since this is Washington DC, there is also an alternate infrastructure plan. Senate Democrats unveiled an alternative $1 trillion plan that would more directly fund infrastructure with mostly outright grants. Their plan includes not only roads and bridges, but also broadband networks, hospitals run by the Department of Veterans Affairs, and schools. In general there is a lot of Democratic support for broadband funding and the plan allocated $20 billion for broadband. I guess the trillion dollar question will be if this is a topic that might find some bilateral agreement.

What are the Odds? When it comes to Washington and politics I don’t have any better crystal ball than anybody else. But it does look like there is bipartisan support for doing something with infrastructure and even more bipartisan support to make sure that broadband is included in any funding package. It’s probably a good time for small service providers to make sure that your DC representatives hear from you. And it’s a good time for those without broadband to yell even louder.